Alexis Dudden, Ph.D.

Professor, Department of History University of Connecticut

  • Storrs CT

Professor of History specializing in modern Japan and Korea, and international history.

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Spotlight

4 min

The Legacy of Shinzo Abe

The shocking assassination of Shinzo Abe, the former Prime Minister of Japan, has been met with disbelief and condolences from within his country and around the globe. Alexis Dudden, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut who specializes in modern Japan and Korea, spoke with NEWS AKMI in the wake of Abe's death about his legacy, his Second World War revisionism, his complicated feelings about America, and why his push to reform the Japanese constitution ultimately failed: How do you see Abe’s legacy? He was a Prime Minister who reconfigured Japan’s place in East Asia, or at least tried to. He tried to create a more assertive Japan through a very proactive—as he liked to describe it—attempt at diplomacy. And he travelled widely. He met with Vladimir Putin more than with any other world leader: more than twenty times. He did meet Xi Jinping, and he was the first foreign leader to meet Donald Trump after [Trump] became President. Abe, however, created a deep rift between Japan and its Asian neighbors over his extremely hawkish outlook, his extremist positions on the legacy of the Japanese empire, and its responsibilities for atrocities committed throughout Asia and the Pacific. While many are extolling him as a great leader, his personal vision for rewriting Japanese history, of a glorious past, created a real problem in East Asia which will linger, because it divided not just the different countries’ approach to diplomacy with Japan; it also divided Japanese society even further over how to approach its own responsibility for wartime actions carried out in the name of the emperor. You used the phrase “rewriting history.” Do you mean rewriting the truth, or do you mean rewriting the way people in Japan understood their history? To what degree was Abe, when he came into office for the first time, in 2006, a departure from the way that Japan understood its own history? And to what degree was this more of the status quo, but just in a more aggressive fashion? The helpful thing about studying Abe is that he himself published several articles and books, and he gave numerous speeches about history and about his vision of Japan’s history, in particular. When he first became a parliamentarian, in the early nineteen-nineties, inheriting his father’s seat, he was part of a study group inside Parliament that is believed to have written a document denying the Nanjing Massacre. This article used to be available in Japan’s Diet archives. It is no longer traceable, but it was there. Abe began in the mid-nineties, when there was an effort to really socially readdress Japan’s wartime role in Asia, after the death of Emperor Hirohito, in the wake of the first “comfort women” coming forward. That’s when Japanese political leaders really became more public about the positioning of their own parties’ views of Japan’s role in Asia, in a new, more strident way that sought to rewrite how Japan and the Japanese should see it. Fast forward to his first term as Prime Minister, in 2006. By that time, these issues had been much better studied academically and socially within Japan and throughout the world. Abe made a big effort, in 2006 and 2007, to deny that Japan bore any state responsibility for the comfort women, in particular. And he failed at that attempt. This is when he and his supporters took out a full-page ad in the Washington Post. And it was a real moment of shock for him when the U.S. Congress passed a nonbinding House resolution asking Japan to atone for its role in creating the comfort-women system. That was also when he resigned for the first time because of his ulcerative colitis. But, between 1994 and 2006, his chief lobbying group, called the Nippon Kaigi, was created—this political-lobbying group didn’t have much of a public face, but it emerged as an extremely powerful ideologically based group. And this is why comparing him to Trump and [India’s Prime Minister Narendra] Modi and other extremists—or people with extreme views or people who give voice to extreme views—is apt, because these groups seem to come out of nowhere for a lot of us. Like, who was Steve Bannon until there was Steve Bannon? Abe, in that interim between being a junior parliamentarian and becoming Prime Minister, had become this group’s head of history and territory. And, in that moment, he also published a work about making Japan great again, which he called “Towards a Beautiful Country.” Dr. Dudden offers expert insight into Abe's historical perspective on his country, and if you're a reporter looking to cover this trending topic, let us help with your coverage. Click on her icon to arrange an interview today.

Alexis Dudden, Ph.D.

3 min

Comfort Women – UConn expert weighs in as a dark piece of history returns to light

A recent article in an academic journal claiming that Korean comfort women -imprisoned, raped, and subjected to brutal atrocities during World War II -were "prostitutes" who had willingly entered indentured contracts set off a firestorm of controversy and a chorus from historians and academics calling for the paper's retraction. It's a topic garnering international attention as survivors continue to seek resolution, compensation, and acknowledgement of the past. UConn's Alexis Dudden is a professor of history specializing in Japan and Korea who has heard stories from survivors first-hand and is among those scholars calling out the erroneous claims: A recent academic journal article by the professor — in which he described as “prostitutes” the Korean and other women forced to serve Japan’s troops — prompted an outcry in South Korea and among scholars in the United States. It also offered a chance, on the Zoom call last week, for the aging survivor of the Japanese Imperial Army’s brothels to tell her story to a group of Harvard students, including her case for why Japan should issue a full apology and face international prosecution. “The recent remarks by the professor at Harvard are something that you should all ignore,” Lee Yong-soo, a 92-year-old in South Korea and one of just a handful of so-called comfort women still living, told the students. But the remarks were a “blessing in disguise” because they created a huge controversy, added Ms. Lee, who was kidnapped by Japanese soldiers during World War II and raped repeatedly. “So this is kind of a wake up call.” The dispute over the academic paper has echoes of the early 1990s, a time when the world was first beginning to hear the voices of survivors of Japan’s wartime sexual slavery in Asia — traumas that the region’s conservative patriarchal cultures had long downplayed. Now, survivors’ testimony drives much of the academic narrative on the topic. Yet many scholars say that conservative forces are once again trying to marginalize the survivors. “This is so startling, 30 years later, to be dragged back, because in the meantime survivors from a wide range of countries found a voice,” Alexis Dudden, a historian of Japan and Korea at the University of Connecticut who has interviewed the women. In dual articles from The New Yorker and The New York Times, Dr. Dudden weighed in on the controversial journal article and offered her findings on the atrocities committed against the women: Alexis Dudden, the historian of Japan and Korea, was one of the scholars invited to publish a reply to Ramseyer in the journal. In her comment, she observes that a reason for studying past atrocities is to try to prevent similar occurrences in the future, “not to abuse history by weaponizing it for present purposes.” She told me of meeting Korean comfort women in Tokyo, in 2000, at the Women’s International War Crimes Tribunal on Japan’s Military Sexual Slavery. “One of them had her tongue cut out,” she said. “Another woman literally lifted up her hanbok to show me where one of her breasts had been lopped off.” Dudden said that the tribunal was “a big watershed in terms of understanding how oral testimony really was necessary, to shift the legal approach but also in terms of doing historical evidence gathering” in the study of crimes against humanity. In some sense, such testimony of atrocities is seemingly irrefutable. But historians such as Dudden continually seek to verify it, producing knowledge of unspeakable horrors, through cycles of historical denial, political conflict, and diplomatic irresolution. If you are a journalist covering this topic, Dr. Dudden is available to speak with media about how history is playing a role in the current controversy. Click on her icon to arrange an interview today. 

Alexis Dudden, Ph.D.

2 min

Definitely …Maybe? Donald Trump’s planned sit-down with Kim Jun Un

It was diplomacy that was almost out of a movie. Two bitter leaders, both unpredictable and avowed enemies who seemed on the brink of war … until suddenly they are friends, complimenting each other and arranging a meeting of historic proportions. There was even talk of a Nobel Prize. It seemed too good to be true. And now the world is back to reality. The surprisingly insta-warm relationship between American and North Korea seems to have once again chilled. And now it’s a battle of statements over who has upset who and why. According to North Korean media, Choe Son Hui, a vice-minister in the North Korean Foreign Ministry, said the summit is being reconsidered. And annihilation may follow. "Whether the US will meet us at a meeting room or encounter us at nuclear-to-nuclear showdown is entirely dependent upon the decision and behavior of the United States," Choe said. Vice President Pence responded in the media with a veiled threat of his own. "There was some talk about the Libya model," Pence told Fox News "As the President made clear, this will only end like the Libya model ended if Kim Jong Un doesn't make a deal." So where are we now? What’s next? Is this relationship over before it even started? Experts from the University of Connecticut may have some insight and deeper understanding of this issue. Alexis Dudden is a Professor of History specializing in modern Japan and Korea, and international history at the University of Connecticut. Dudden stresses the importance of understanding the complexity of modern Korea-Japan relations to better appreciate Korean resistance to U.S. demands. South Korea is a country where one in six families is directly affected by the North-South divide. It is “imperative that Washington planners take seriously South Korean desires for renewed engagement,” Dudden says. Professor Dudden is available to speak with media regarding the ongoing talks and threats between North Korea and America. Simply click on her icon to arrange an interview. Source:

Alexis Dudden, Ph.D.

Biography

Alexis Dudden received her BA from Columbia University in 1991 and her PhD in history from the University of Chicago in 1998. She is currently writing a book about Japan’s territorial disputes and the changing meaning of islands in international law.

Areas of Expertise

History/Memory
Modern Korea
Modern Japan
Territorial Disputes
Japan-Korea Relations

Education

University of Chicago

Ph.D.

History

1988

University of Chicago

M.A.

History

1993

Columbia University

B.A.

East Asian Languages and Cultures

1991

Languages

  • Japanese
  • Korean
  • French

Accomplishments

Chosun Ilbo

Manhae Peace Prize

Fellow

Inst. for International and Regional Studies, Princeton University

Social

Media Appearances

How ​South Korea’s Democracy Prevailed Over a Reckless Leader

New York Times  print

2025-04-05

“Koreans do not want the 1980s option, when martial law and tear gas made forcibly disappeared people painful to so many families,” said Alexis Dudden, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut. “Yoon and his advisers missed the mark of reading today’s South Korea in many obvious ways.”

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​Impeachment in South Korea Has Cost Washington a Staunch Ally

The New York Times  print

2024-12-16

Decades ago, martial law in South Korea entailed arrests, torture and bloody crackdowns. This time, in a sign of how far South Korea’s democracy has matured, peaceful crowds achieved their goal without a single life being lost. Still​, global powers reacted with shock​ and disapproval​.

“Yoon Suk Yeol’s surreal declaration of martial law laid bare his complete miscalculation of South Korea’s position in the world, let alone as Northeast Asia’s stabilizing force,” said Alexis Dudden, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut.

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Flashpoint Ukraine: Why Would North Korea’s Kim Jong Un Go to Russia?

Voice of America  online

2023-09-11

The North Korean leader is on his way to Russia; what’s the context for a possible meeting between Kim Jong Un and Vladimir Putin? Plus, Kyiv responds to perceived criticism over the speed of the counteroffensive.

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Articles

Alexis Dudden on the firebombing of Tokyo and on post-war struggles to keep it remembered

The Economist

2025-03-07

American pilots would later recall the strange, sweet smell, coming up from below, of burning flesh. They had begun dropping incendiary bombs on one of the most densely packed places on Earth just after midnight on March 10th 1945. In all, Major General Curtis LeMay sent 279 B-29 bombers from the United States Army Air Forces low over Tokyo to destroy the historical heart of the capital, Shitamachi, a working-class area by the Sumida river. In fires that reached nearly 1,000°C, more than 100,000 Japanese burned alive. Over 1m more were suddenly homeless as 16 square miles (41 square km) of urban life incinerated. The cluster bombs, napalm and incendiaries packed with white phosphorus meant lifelong pain for tens of thousands of injured survivors. Should America lose the war, LeMay averred, “we’ll be tried as war criminals.”

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South Korea took rapid, intrusive measures against Covid-19 – and they worked

The Guardian

Alexis Dudden and Andrew Marks

2020

South Koreans are famously nonchalant about North Korean nuclear weapons. Bewilderingly to the rest of us, they “keep calm and carry on” whenever Pyongyang threatens to turn Seoul into a “sea of fire”. The South Korean approach to Covid-19 could not have been more different.

On 16 January, the South Korean biotech executive Chun Jong-yoon grasped the reality unfolding in China and directed his lab to work to stem the virus’s inevitable spread; within days, his team developed detection kits now in high demand around the world.

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Japan’s Antiwar Legacy

Dissent

Alexis Dudden

2017

There is a deep division among Japan’s leaders today over the definition and future direction of their nation. On one side are those who favor maintaining the so-called peace clause of Japan’s post-1945 constitution, Article 9, which renounces Japan’s sovereign right to wage war. On the other side are those who argue that Japan must become what they call a “normal nation”—meaning one that can fight wars against other nations. A group of college students has given most traction to the cause of maintaining Japan’s antiwar international posture. Currently reorganizing themselves for long-term political involvement, the SEALDs (Students Emergency Action for Liberal Democracy) worked tirelessly throughout 2015–2016. Their message remains clear: preserve Article 9.

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