Dr Andrew Glencross grew up in the north of England and is a graduate of the University of Cambridge (BA Social and Political Studies and M.Phil. Historical Studies) as well as a former Joseph Hodges Choate Fellow at Harvard University from 2000-01. Andrew's PhD studies took him to Florence, where he completed his dissertation at the European University Institute under the masterful supervision of Friedrich Kratochwil. From 2008-10 Andrew had the great pleasure of being a lecturer in the International Relations Program at the University of Pennsylvania. He returned to Europe in Autumn 2010 to take up a lectureship at the University of Aberdeen, before moving to the University of Stirling in 2013. In January 2017 he began teaching at Aston University.
Andrew's research interests include European integration, especially the ongoing Brexit negotiations and issues to do with the Eurozone, as well as international relations theory. Those are subjects Andrew blogs on for outlets such as the Conversation or the LSE’s EUROPP. Prospective research students in those areas are welcome to drop him a line to discuss possible projects.
Andrew is a Senior Fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute in Philadelphia and also an Associate Editor at ECPR Press.
Areas of Expertise (6)
Interantional Relations Theory
European University Institute: PhD, International Relations and Affairs 2007
University of Cambridge: MPhil, History 2002
Harvard University: Joseph Hodges Croates Fellow 2001
University of Cambridge: BA, Social and Political Sciences 2000
- Foreign Policy Research Institute : Senior Fellow
Media Appearances (6)
A no-deal Brexit could damage the UK’s ability to cope with pandemics
The Conversation online
As the UK-EU deal or no-deal drama limps on, most attention focuses on the economic consequences of a new trade relationship. But UK health security – in the sense of measures to prevent and mitigate health emergencies such as pandemics – is also very much at stake.
As coronavirus lockdown eases, Boris Johnson’s UK looks more isolated than ever
The Conversation online
The UK has often appeared out of step with the rest of Europe during the coronavirus crisis. Back in early February, prime minister Boris Johnson was breezily telling his compatriots to stay “confident and calm” in the face of a potential global pandemic.
The UK can still rejoin the EU
Al Jazeera online
Remaining in the European Union is no longer an option for the United Kingdom. Boris Johnson finally made Brexit happen by steering the EU Withdrawal Agreement Act through parliament on the back of his December electoral triumph. The rear-guard Remain campaign, which convulsed British politics for three years following the 2016 EU membership referendum, is no more.
Brexit news: What conditions will EU DEMAND from UK for Article 50 extension?
Dr Andrew Glencross, a senior political lecturer at Birmingham University, said there are two ways EU leaders can respond. Speaking to Express.co.uk exclusively, Dr Glencross explained: “For a short extension, the conditions would be to hold and win a third meaningful vote on the Withdrawal Agreement and, if the UK needs to go beyond 23 May to pass required withdrawal legislation, a pledge not to suddenly revoke Article 50.”...
UK to seek Brexit delay: what you need to know about the latest parliamentary vote
The House of Commons has voted to delay Brexit beyond March 29, sending Theresa May to Brussels to ask for more time. But MPs voted against a series of amendments that would have translated into more specific demands on timing...
Britain already disengaging from Europe as UK government pulls funding from unique European research institute
You may not have heard of it, but students from across Europe have been studying at The European University Institute (EUI) since 1976. Situated in the Tuscan hills overlooking Florence, the idyllic setting plays home to a unique institution dedicated to training PhD students and enhancing Europe’s research capacity in economics, history, law, and social sciences...
Research Grants (5)
The Diplomacy of Brexit
Impact Acceleration grant £4887
UK-France relations after Brexit
Training workshop for Foreign and Commonwealth Office £7000
Erasmus+ Key Action 3
CI AwarEU: Virtual learning Environment £90,000
ESRC UK in a Changing Europe Commissioning Fund
A MOOC on the UK’s EU Referendum £8500
Carnegie Research Incentive Grant £2000
The importance of health security in post-Brexit EU–UK relationsEuropean View
2020 This article examines the possibilities for negotiating the UK–EU health-security relationship after 2020. Health security, in the sense of measures to prevent and mitigate health emergencies, had played a marginal role in the UK–EU negotiations, but COVID-19 has greatly amplified this policy area’s significance.
Managing differentiated disintegration: Insights from comparative federalism on post-Brexit EU–UK relationsThe British Journal of Politics and International Relations
2020 This article applies insights from comparative federalism to analyse different models for managing future EU–UK relations. The argument is that the stability of the EU–UK relationship before as well as after Brexit is best understood by examining the presence of federal safeguards. Drawing on Kelemen, four types of safeguards are identified as the means for balancing centrifugal and centripetal forces.
Negotiating as One Europe or several? The variable geometry of the EU’s approach to BrexitContemporary Social Science
Turner, E. O., Glencross, A., Bilcik, V. & Green, S. O.
2019 There are long-standing debates amongst scholars of European Union politics over the relative importance of member states and supranational institutions in determining what happens in the EU. This paper treats the case of ‘Brexit’ as a case study, considering the positions of the EU institutions, France, Germany and the V4, focusing particularly on dissociation issues, questions of migration, the customs union and trade, and the UK’s relationship to the single market during the first year of exit negotiations. It finds that while there are distinct national priorities, EU institutions have been able to synthesise these rather effectively into a common position which meets member states’ priorities as well as their own, confirming the claims of those who emphasise the ability of EU institutions to drive European integration and act on behalf of member states.
The impact of the Article 50 talks on the EU: Risk aversion and the prospects for further EU disintegrationEuropean View
2019 This article explores why there was no domino effect after Brexit and reflects on what this means for the health of European integration. It shows how the UK responded to the uncertainty surrounding the Article 50 talks by testing EU unity, prompting both sides to discuss a no-deal outcome. Evidence from Eurobarometer surveys demonstrates that attachment to the EU strengthened markedly during Brexit talks in the four countries considered most likely to flirt with leaving the EU. Hence Brexit changed the benchmarking process surrounding citizens’ evaluation of the prospects of getting a better deal outside the EU. Risk aversion thus explains the lack of a Brexit domino effect. However, the volatility of public opinion before and after the Article 50 talks, combined with the weaker increase in support over the EU as a whole, means there is no room for complacency over the future prospects of disintegration.
‘Love Europe, Hate the EU’: A genealogical inquiry into populists’ spatio-cultural critique of the European Union and its consequencesEuropean Journal of International Relations
2019 This article analyses the genealogy of the expression ‘Love Europe, hate the EU’, which is taken as a spatio-cultural critique of the European Union that has important consequences for how European integration is contested. Closely associated with the Brexit movement, but also popular among other populist movements opposing the European Union, this catchphrase is analysed as the latest stage in the contestation over the political meaning of Europe. However, the article demonstrates that the desire to do away with a rules-based institutional order rests on a deliberately ahistorical reading of European inter-state relations following the rise of the sovereign state. What is overlooked is the way in which Europe was conceptualized by the end of the 18th century as a distinct political unit with its own peculiar dysfunctionality, namely, a naturally anti-hegemonic order that often resulted in violent conflict.
Living Up to a New Role in the World: The Challenges of “Global Britain”Orbis
Glencross, A. & McCourt, D.
2018 Theresa May promised a new role for the United Kingdom in the world, dubbed “Global Britain.” But what challenges arise from supposedly being more open to the world while decoupling from the European Union? This article explores how much the UK can meet the expectations stemming from a new, unabashedly global posture.