Professor Hughey is a tenured Associate Professor in the Department of Sociology at the University of Connecticut and Affiliate Faculty in the Institute for Collaboration on Health, Intervention, & Policy (InCHIP); the Africana Studies Institute, and; the American Studies Program. He is also a Research Associate in Critical Studies in Higher Education Transformation at the Nelson Mandela University (Port Elizabeth, South Africa). Professor Hughey has also served as a Visiting Professor in the Department of Sociology at Trinity College (Dublin, Ireland), a Visiting Fellow in the Institute of Advanced Study at Warwick University (Coventry, England), a visiting scholar at Columbia University (New York, USA) and a visiting professor at the University of the Free State (Bloemfontein, South Africa).
His scholarly articles have appeared in journals such as The ANNALS of the American Academy of Social and Political Science; American Behavioral Scientist; Social Problems; Social Psychology Quarterly; Symbolic Interaction; Journal of Contemporary Ethnography; The Sociological Quarterly; Contexts; Law & Social Inquiry; Du Bois Review; Ethnic and Racial Studies; Ethnicities and; Sociology of Race and Ethnicity and has published several books with outlets such as Oxford University Press, Stanford University Press, and New York University Press.
Areas of Expertise (4)
University of Virginia: Ph.D., Sociology
Ohio University: M.Ed., Cultural Studies
University of North Carolina at Greensboro: B.A., Sociology
Media Appearances (6)
Fraternity Culture And Racism
National Public Radio radio
MATTHEW HUGHEY: We have the American higher educational system, which was designed to educate white, male, propertied, elite students. As more and more students started to come into university, and university started to become a little less elite, Greek letter organizations were formed. And they were formed as a way for those very elite, propertied, white, male students to create even more exclusionary spaces within college and university life. So they became vehicles, in a way, for the reproduction of inequality. It was very much working in elite interest. That's what it was designed to do. That's how it functioned.
How Poverty Affects the Brain
Without context, poverty-brain research could fuel misguided beliefs involving racial disparities in intelligence or the inherent inferiority of the poor. It could also be used to justify racism. “We run the risk of these findings becoming fodder for a nouveau eugenics movement,” says Matthew Hughey, associate professor of sociology at the University of Connecticut. “The easily dispensed adage that ‘the poor’s brains are different’ is an all-too-easy, scary and simply wrong-headed approach.”
Can you make a non-racist Tarzan movie?
Los Angeles Times online
“Tarzan is a time machine,” said Matthew Hughey, a sociologist and author of the book “The White Savior Film.” “He transports these 19th century views into the 20th and 21st centuries. He reassures audiences that down deep there is a natural order to things. In the age of the Black Lives Matter movement and Brexit, that’s a pretty powerful story and it’s retold over and over.”
Our Cinematic Addiction to White Saviors
Huffington Post online
Hollywood is quite adept at recasting historical relations into nouveau racial dramas in which a white character can cross the color-line in solidarity with their darker brethren while simultaneously emerging as the sole mechanism for black agency and racial justice.
'Burning Sands' offers a lesson in hazing violence
Chicago Tribune online
Matthew Hughey, a sociology professor at the University of Connecticut and member of the fraternity Phi Beta Sigma, believes that's where some fraternities have gotten it wrong.
"What I've found in my research is if you hardly go through any type of pledge process at all, you're less likely to stay active years down the line and less likely to do service activity," Hughey said by phone. "If you go through a whole lot, anything that's violent or abusive, you're also less likely" to remain active in the organization after graduation.
Red Sox Fans Cheer Adam Jones Day After Racist Taunts
NBC News tv
Boston's racial history _ including fights over segregated housing, schools and politics _ has spilled into sports as some working class residents experience a "white crisis," said University of Connecticut sociologist Matthew Hughey.
"They can't live up to the levels of superiority they're told they're supposed to naturally have, so they turn to symbolic things or people to build a sense of identity and to take out a sense of frustration," Hughey said. "Sports can be that sense of identity."
Matthew W Hughey
The relationship between police violence and race is one fraught with both specific historical and contemporary tensions (i.e., white police profiling, beating, and murder of people of color) and with ambiguity (e.g., what is meant by “race” and how do we operationalize and measure “violence” at the hands of law enforcement?). Defining the concept of “race” as a multidimensional process of oppression and justification for social inequality can shed light on why and how police violence often descends upon black and Latino populations as well as why such brutality and state surveillance is supported by many whites yesterday and today. In this article I analyze the relationships between police violence and race as an ongoing feedback loop: “race” produces violence and inequality while violence and inequality (re)forms “race.”
Matthew W Hughey, David G Embrick, Ashley “Woody” Doane
In a day when many are fatigued with discourse on racism, discrimination, and inequality but others face a socially and politically trenchant White backlash against the gains of the civil rights movement, race scholars are faced with the complex scenario in which they must simultaneously articulate (1) what, when, and where racism operates to exercise both deleterious and advantageous effects on differently racialized actors and (2) exactly why and how racism (especially its “color-blind” variant) functions toward the reproduction of the racialized social system. While scholarship on the former is well rehearsed, we see this special issue as a clarion call for new scholarship to interrogate the precise mechanisms by which color-blind racism and the racialized social system operate...
Matthew W Hughey
From the ‘Reagan Revolution’ to the election of Obama in the USA; from the populism of Enoch Powell and Thatcher to the rise of the British National Party in the UK; and from the backlash against multiculturalism in both Australia and Canada, westernized nations with colonial histories and unequal relations between a powerful white class and a subjugated non-white class now witness a strikingly adamant discourse and movement: growing numbers of white people claim that they are racially oppressed and seek redress against policies, laws and practices that they believe discriminate against them. I critically examine the white backlash in the ‘post-racial’ era (1960s – present) of the USA by reviewing the extant scholarship on the white backlash, by highlighting landmark legal cases and media spectacles that represent claims of white racial victimization, and by arguing that white victimization discourse is an integral mechanism in the formation of contemporary white racial identity...