Featured Post from Villanova University

Application of Road Salt Can Have Widespread and Long-Lasting Impacts, Says Villanova’s Steven Goldsmith, PhD

Feb 13, 2025

5 min

Streaks of white that coat roads and cars. Powdery footprints smudged into floors. It’s the time of year when much of the United States relies on road salt to keep ice at bay and accepts the nuisances that come with it. But beyond the inconvenience, all that salt has potentially serious, long-term effects on the environment, human health and infrastructure.


Steven Goldsmith, PhD, an associate professor of Geography and the Environment at Villanova University, researches topics in watershed biogeochemistry and environmental health. A focus of his lab is the study of de-icing practices on water quality. Recently, Dr. Goldsmith shared insights from his work, exploring the widespread consequences of road salt and potential solutions to reduce its harm.


Villanova PR: You have led or participated in research focused on the environmental impacts of road salt application, often locally, but with much broader implications. What have some of those studies found?


Steve Goldsmith: In 2022, we published a paper showing that salt—sodium in particular—is seeping into Philadelphia's water supply, and it's timed with snow melts. We found that if you drank a glass of tap water during the peak period in the winter of 2018-19, your sodium intake would be six times what the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) recommends within a glass of water for someone on a low-sodium diet. We are susceptible in this region because most of our water supply comes from rivers, and the rivers receive that salt runoff. Some of our findings indicate this is a chronic issue and not limited to winter months. All that contaminated shallow groundwater causes the concentration to rise year-round, even in the summer.


In a recent paper, we discuss the issue of salt that lands on the side of the road. When it does, it infiltrates into soil, and then it goes into shallow groundwater before entering our streams. Oftentimes when salt is applied to the road and you receive that initial precipitation, you are left with runoff with salinity near the concentration of sea water, which is very bad for freshwater organisms.


PR: Have those studies found other impacts beyond those created directly by sodium?


SG: It’s certainly not just a sodium issue—it's also a chloride issue. Chloride does have a negative impact on aquatic organisms, but it can also corrode drinking water infrastructure. If you have lead pipes in that infrastructure, that can lead to a range of human health issues. Even just to prevent those problems, applying chemicals to protect from the corrosion of pipes increases costs.


Perhaps the worst part is when road salt infiltrates shallow soil and groundwater, the sodium is left behind preferentially in soils because it's displacing other positively charged elements, which could then go into groundwater. The elements it replaces are metals. If we have more salt runoff on the side of the roads, chances are, if we look in those streams, we are going to see higher concentrations of heavy metals like copper, zinc and even lead.


PR: You have mentioned the efficacy of brine. What is brine and why is it more effective than traditional road salt?


SG: If you’ve ever driven behind a rock salt truck, you probably noticed it pelts your windshield and shoots salt everywhere. A lot of that rock salt ends up following the natural trajectory of the road, which is designed to drain towards the sides to keep water from pooling. As soon as a snowstorm happens, it's going to melt and flow into the storm drain. That, of course, is bad for the environment, but also doesn’t help remove ice from the road.


With brine, the application is a diluted road salt with water mixture that is usually about 23 percent sodium chloride by volume, and it’s referred to as an “anti-icing” measure. The saltwater infiltrates the top layer of pavement and embeds in the roadway itself, which keeps ice from crystallizing when snow or water hits the surface.


To use an analogy, let’s say you have a large rock that you placed on top of the pavement, but you also have a quarter of that rock’s volume in sand. If you put that sand onto the pavement, it will permeate into nooks and crannies. That's the same idea here: use less material and in a way that makes it stick better to the surface and reduces the need to reapply as often during and after storms.


PR: What are potential positive impacts if municipalities switch from road salt to brine?


SG: There are limited studies on this, but it's been shown that if done properly, brining can reduce salt runoff into streams by anywhere from 23 to 40 percent. If it's 40 percent, you have almost cut the problem in half, and that lower peak salt concentration and runoff would have a profound positive impact on aquatic organisms that are downstream. From a cost standpoint—and I say this theoretically because there are other up-front costs associated with brining at the municipal level—if you reduce salt concentrations by up to 40 percent it means you apply a lot less and therefore spend a lot less.


PR: What can individuals do to decrease road salt runoff, and how much of an impact does individual use have?


SG: We can start by addressing the household salt application problem. Another one of our recent papers suggests that other impervious surfaces, like driveways, sidewalks and parking lots, are probably contributing even more than the roadway application. The best estimate is that individual or private contractor use could be over 10 times what you see on roads. For researchers, part of addressing this is trying to understand why people apply so much salt on their personal properties: are they afraid of lawsuits? Keeping with the Joneses? Are they not aware of ordinances that say you have to shovel within a certain number of hours, which would negate the need for salt anyway?


For homeowners and other individuals, one proposed solution is to use a coffee mug’s worth of salt for every 10 sidewalk squares. Think of it as a “low-sodium diet” to make sure you’re not overapplying. It’s a way we can limit our use of salt and do so in a way that doesn't jeopardize safety. These individuals can also sweep up salt applied before a storm that never materialized to use before the next one. This will prevent the possibility of rain needlessly dissolving the salt.


PR: Are there effective alternatives to road salt that individuals can use?


SG: The only truly effective alternative, unfortunately, is simply using less road salt. While some people apply sand, it also washes into local streams, causing environmental harm. Another option that has gained attention is beet juice—what I like to call the “Dwight Schrute” solution. Beet juice actually works better than road salt because its organic acids prevent ice from crystallizing at temperatures much lower than those at which rock salt is effective. However, from an environmental standpoint, beet juice contains high levels of nutrients, which can contribute to algae growth if it enters waterways. Additionally, recent studies suggest it may also be toxic to aquatic organisms. The growing consensus is that while some road salt is necessary, we need to use less of it.


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5 min

Intellectual Property Law Scholar Waseem Moorad, Esq., Unwraps Crux Arguments of Smucker's Sandwich Suit

A popular on-the-go sandwich is now the subject of a mega trademark lawsuit between two food industry giants. The J.M. Smucker Company, more commonly known as Smucker's, recently filed a trademark lawsuit against grocery chain Trader Joe's over what it alleges is infringement upon its iconic billion-dollar investment: the Uncrustables sandwich. Smucker's seeks to obtain unspecified monetary damages from Trader Joe's, as well as profit from its similar product. But beyond the novelty of the sandwich suit lies a complex case built around a lesser-known morsel of trademark law, says Waseem Moorad, Esq., assistant professor of Law at Villanova University Charles Widger School of Law and director of the school's Intellectual Property Clinic. Professor Moorad, a former U.S. Patent and Trademark Office Patent (USPTO) examiner, recently discussed the actual claims of the lawsuit, and how both parties are preparing for a potential trial. Q: Since this lawsuit was filed, it has been a popular topic of public discourse, much of which has centered on the product—a crustless peanut butter and jelly sandwich—itself. Is that what this is truly about? Professor Moorad: Much of the commentary has been focused on the argument of whether Smucker's is permitted to have a monopoly of peanut butter and jelly sandwiches, or if Trader Joe's can actually infringe upon the Uncrustables product without necessarily using the actual trademarked name. While both discussions are legitimate conversations folks could have while munching on the delicious snack products, they are not necessarily the relevant legal claims at the crux of this lawsuit. Q: Before we get into what those relevant legal claims are, Smucker's has filed dozens of trademarks in its 128-year history. What sorts of intellectual property do these trademarks generally protect? PM: Most of their trademarks filed with the USPTO are registered to protect against competitors from using words, logos, slogans, symbols and other materials that are linked to the brand name of the company, its affiliates, or its respective products. Well-known examples include Smucker's, Folgers, Jif and, of course, Uncrustables. If a competing company has a brand or a product that has a similar sounding name or appearance, such as "Giff Peanut Butter," then Smucker's could sue that company for trademark infringement. That name is not only infringing upon a trademark that Smucker's has federal protection over, but also is in the same related industry (food products), within which Smucker's has protection. Q: But Trader Joe's did not necessarily infringe on any trademarked words, symbols, slogans or the like. What, then, is the basis for the claims of infringement? PM: The issue is related to a deeper subset of trademark law, specifically the concept of "trade dress." Trade dress is the intellectual property associated with the visual and aesthetic characteristics of a product or its related packaging that allows a consumer to know with whom that product or packaging is associated. For example, Coca-Cola's name, which is federally protected, is well known as a registered trademark; however, the Coca-Cola bottle, with the curvy appearance where it gets slimmer in the middle, is an example of a registered trade dress belonging to Coca-Cola. If there was no logo or word mark on the bottle, the average consumer would still be able to recognize it as a Coke bottle. There are several trademarks that Smucker's owns that are related to the trade dress of its products. Smucker's isn't alleging that Trader Joe's is copying any of the branding names of their products; they are accusing their competitor of mimicking the trade dress or aesthetic appearances, textures and characteristics of its Uncrustables products and packaging. Q: What specific trade dress trademarks are they claiming have been infringed upon? PM: There are at least two registered trademarks that Smucker's is drawing legal attention to. In 2002, Smucker's had trademarked the image of an Uncrustables sandwich that has pie-crimping indentations or marks along the circumference of the sandwich, and in 2019, the company trademarked the image of an Uncrustables sandwich with a bite taken out of it. Smucker's argument is that the Trader Joe's packaging for a similar crustless peanut butter and jelly shows an image of a sandwich with a bite taken out of it, as well as the crimping along the outer edges. Q: How does one make a legal case out of something like this? PM: In order to effectively file a trademark infringement lawsuit, the plaintiff must not only show that their federally-protected intellectual property rights are being infringed upon, but also demonstrate that as a result of this infringement, the customer or consumer is being confused. Smucker's alleges that as result of Trader Joe's actions, customers are now confused over the product and are purchasing Trader Joe's peanut butter and jelly sandwiches thinking they are actually Smucker's Uncrustables sandwiches. Smucker's is of the belief that if the Trader Joe's packaging did not show pie-like crimped edges and the image of the sandwich with a bite taken out of it, confused consumers would not have purchased the Trader Joe's products and would have instead purchased Smucker's Uncrustables. It is this argument that will be the crux of the court cases to follow. Q: Assuming this goes to trial, how will the two parties prepare and what are some of the challenges for Smucker's as plaintiff? PM: Part of the case on Smucker's end will be to gather customer feedback or testimony that demonstrates confusion in the marketplace as a result of the similar packaging and trade dress. Trader Joe's will focus on the fact that even though the packaging may be similar, there would be no reason or basis for a customer to be confused between a Trader Joe's-branded product and a Smucker's-branded product. As the plaintiff in this case, the burden shall be on Smucker's to prove the confusion element necessary to have trademark infringement. The Trader Joe's product clearly says Trader Joe's, and the chain has a marketplace reputation for selling its own products rather than other-branded products. The challenge in such a scenario will be to prove, despite this, that customers purchasing this product would still have gotten confused and either assumed that they were purchasing Uncrustables, or mistakenly believed that Uncrustables may now have a commercial relationship with Trader Joe's.

4 min

Roderick Cooke, PhD, French and Francophone Studies Professor, Shares Thoughts on Louvre Heist, Artifacts Stolen

On Sunday, October 19, at 9:34 a.m., four masked individuals surged into the Louvre’s Galerie d’Apollon from a severed, second-floor window. Hurriedly, they smashed open two display cases, seized eight pieces of jewelry, then shimmied down a ladder and sped off on motorbikes toward Lyons. In seven minutes’ time, in broad daylight, they absconded with an estimated $102 million in valuables from the world’s most famous museum. This past Saturday, October 25, French authorities announced the first arrests in connection with the daring heist. However, despite the police’s progress, the country continues to litigate the matter—embroiled in discussions of heritage, history and national identity. Recently, Roderick Cooke, PhD, director of French and Francophone Studies at Villanova University, shared his perspective on the situation as well as the artifacts lost. Q: The Louvre heist has been described as “brazen,” “shocking” and a “terrible failure” on security’s part. Is there any sort of precedent for this event in the museum’s history? Dr. Cooke: Nothing on this scale has ever happened to the Louvre since its founding as a museum during the Revolution. The closest equivalent is the 1911 theft of the Mona Lisa by a former employee who claimed it should be returned to Italy. However, that was one painting, the heist was not committed by organized crime, and the Mona Lisa did not have the renown it enjoys today. The impact of the theft was thus lower, although it did cause major outrage and a sweeping law-enforcement response at the time. Ironically, that theft is often credited with making da Vinci’s painting the global icon it continues to be. Q: What has the reaction to this event been among the French people? DC: It’s harder to get a sense of reactions across French society, because so much of the aftermath has focused on the intellectual milieux’s opinions. And in those realms, it has immediately become a political football. Individuals positioning themselves as anti-elite or anti-status quo, such as Jordan Bardella of the National Rally party, have called the theft a “humiliation,” immediately tying it to French national prestige. Former President François Hollande has conversely and vainly called for the event to be de-polemicized, citing national solidarity. This is happening because the Louvre is one of the most visible manifestations of French soft power—the most-visited museum anywhere on Earth. As such, anything attacking its integrity becomes an attack on the nation, and how individual French citizens feel about the theft is closely tied to their broader view of the nation. Q: Several of the items stolen from the Louvre once belonged to Empress Eugénie. Could you share a bit of information on her story? DC: Eugénie de Montijo was a Spanish aristocrat who married the Emperor of the French, who ruled as Napoleon III between 1852 and 1870. It was a time of authoritarian repression and sham democracy—Napoleon III installed the Empire through a coup. Its clearest legacy is that Paris looks the way it does today largely because of the thorough modernizations overseen by Napoleon III’s appointee Baron Haussmann. So, Eugénie and her now-lost jewels represent a complex point in French history, when culture and the economy developed quickly, but did so in a climate of fear for any French person who opposed the regime too loudly (like Victor Hugo, who went into exile on the Channel Islands and wrote poems savaging Napoleon III and his deeds). Some accused the Empress of being responsible for the more hardline and conservative stances taken by her husband’s government. On a different note, she was a diligent patron of the arts and arguably the most significant figure in the contemporary fashion world, famous for setting trends such as the bustle that radiated across Europe. This explains the mix of anger and admiration that followed her depending on the sphere she was operating in. A new English-language biography argues that far from being a traditionalist, she was a pioneering feminist by the standards of the time. It looks like her historical importance will continue to be debated. Q: Interior Minister Laurent Nuñez described the stolen items as “of immeasurable heritage value.” How significant of a cultural loss do you consider this theft? DC: These jewels are referred to in French as “les Joyaux de la Couronne” (the Crown Jewels), but of course that phrase lands very differently in republican France than it does across the water in the United Kingdom. The items actually represent several different dynasties of French rulers, some of whom came to power through direct conflict with others. The now-ransacked display at the Louvre smoothed over these historical divisions, for which many French people died over the centuries. President Macron referred to the stolen items as embodying “our history,” which is emblematic of the French state’s work to create a conceptual present-day unity out of the clashes of the past. At a time when France is arguably more divided than at any point since World War II, any unitary symbol of identity takes on greater significance. Q: Do you have any closing thoughts on the artifacts taken and what they represent? DC: I’d reemphasize the previous point about the smoothing effect of the museum display on the violent history that made it possible. Much of the reporting on the stolen jewels lists off the different queens and empresses who owned them, without giving readers a sense of the complicated succession of regime changes and ideologies that put those women in power in the first place. The relative stability of the last 60-odd years is an anomaly in modern French history. This set of jewels and the names of their original owners may seem far removed from the concerns of an ordinary French citizen today, but just beneath their surface is a legacy of changing governments and tensions between social classes that survives in new forms in 2025.

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