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A Year Into Ahmed al-Sharaa's Presidency, Villanova's Samer Abboud, PhD, Shares Thoughts on Syrian Affairs

Jan 26, 2026

4 min

One year ago, after a campaign that toppled Bashar al-Assad's repressive dictatorship, Ahmed al-Sharaa assumed the Syrian presidency.


Since then, the former rebel commander has worked to establish his credentials as a statesman, winning the support of regional powers like Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Qatar—as well as recognition from the White House. Yet al-Sharaa and his transitional government have not been immune from criticism, particularly over their handling of domestic affairs.


Samer Abboud, PhD, director of the Center for Arab and Islamic Studies at Villanova University, is an expert on modern Syria and the wider Middle East. A year into al-Sharaa's presidency, he believes the provisional government has made incredible strides in some areas, like international diplomacy, while struggling to find its footing in others.


"There's no doubt that Syria's external image is becoming more positive. We see this kind of charm offensive, with President al-Sharaa taking to the world stage," says Dr. Abboud. "Also, most of the regional actors are very fond of al-Sharaa and were very happy for the Assad regime to have fallen. So, there's this external presentation of a transition government that is legitimate and has support, and I think that's largely true.


"The problem in Syria right now, of course, is what's happening internally. To begin, across the country, you have completely collapsed infrastructure—limited electricity, restricted access to running water and unreliable internet."


Much has been made of economic sanctions' role in contributing to these internal issues, with Western governments having historically limited the amount of aid and investment that could enter Syria. However, while Dr. Abboud sees these measures' elimination as crucial to the nation's progress, he also contends that ending restrictions alone is not enough to ensure the country's long-term stability and prosperity. Of particular concern, according to the professor, is the al-Sharaa administration's persistent claim "that 'free markets' could and would be a cure-all."


As he explains, "The problem is that there's literally no evidence to demonstrate that private enterprise is interested in social betterment in reconstruction cases. You can't rebuild a state and a society on the profit logic. When you look at Lebanon, after all the wars Lebanon endured, what did free markets—without a strong public sector—do for that country? Roughly 80 percent of Lebanese people live in poverty."


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Beyond the troubles surrounding economic growth and infrastructural development, there also exist a series of fractures along ethnic and ideological lines. Wide swaths of Syria are currently controlled by militias with agendas at odds with that of the provisional government, and despite making inroads with one significant bloc of dissent (the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces), tensions are exceedingly high. Furthermore, a number of groups remain suspicious of the president and his intentions due to his past affiliation with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, a Sunni Islamist group that traces its roots to al-Qaeda.


Navigating this delicate situation with poise and precision is something that al-Sharaa needs to master, contends Dr. Abboud. And, over the course of the past several months, it seems Syria's new leader has started to refine the skill.


"To illustrate, last year, at least 25 people were killed in a bombing at the Mar Elias Church in Damascus, and President al-Sharaa did not go to the site. In addressing the incident, he also didn't use the language of martyrdom, which is what you would typically do for any person—Christian or Muslim—who died in this context," says Dr. Abboud. "In June, however, they arrested the culprits, and he went and met the patriarch and went inside the church, and they publicized it.


"The first time, he was too worried about these internal influences—of being perceived by his base as having moderated his views. Right now, he very much finds himself caught in a balancing act, working to temper the forces that are compelling him to possibly do something that could worsen an unstable situation. But I do think that the two contrasts [represented in the Mar Elias Church episode] suggest that the president is learning and gradually figuring out how to do politics a bit differently."


In this vein, Dr. Abboud feels the next phase in al-Sharaa's evolution should center on reckoning with the history of the country's late civil war and encouraging a dialogue between those who supported the Assad regime and those who sought to overthrow it. In the professor's estimation, this step is essential to achieving a lasting peace in Syria.


"Currently, there are some memory projects and knowledge projects that are happening, but those are not led or facilitated by the state. And that's troublesome, given what we've seen in other conflict contexts," he says. "In Lebanon, for instance, the state has amnesia. The civil war is not in the textbooks, officials don't talk about it, and it's not commemorated nationally. But then, in many ways, the narrative of how it happened—who are the victims, who are the perpetrators—can totally shape people's lives."


Still, while much economic, social and humanitarian work remains to be done, Syria today finds itself in a position unlike any it's occupied in decades' time: one marked by possibility.


"In general, I envision an extended period of grace for the government and an extended period of hope," concludes Dr. Abboud. "Syria did not have a future under the Assad regime. Or it had a future, but one characterized by generations of isolation. Today, people, both inside and outside Syria, have an entirely different outlook."


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