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Friends or enemies? Is there any solving the ancient secret that is Chinese diplomacy?
When it comes to trade, investment and trillions of dollars of opportunity for American companies – it would appear that China and the United States should be close-knit allies. However when it comes to military escalation, an emerging global bull and national security – China is also a country that the U.S. government is very concerned about. NPR recently got in touch with UMW Professor of Political Science and International Affairs Elizabeth Larus to lend her expertise when it comes to the politics of China. Elizabeth Larus, who teaches Chinese studies at the University of Mary Washington in Virginia, says any economic "de-coupling" between the U.S. and China will be very difficult. "You can't just say you're going to pick up your factory and move all your resources and have a consistent, reliable energy source and the shipping port to get your stuff out at a decent price, and the logistics. China has nailed that down," said Larus, the author of Politics and Society in Contemporary China. China's President Xi Jinping uses this as leverage, she noted. "One of the goals of this Xi Jinping regime is to make the world really reliant on China for its supply chain, but not to have China reliant on the rest of the world," she added. "So that makes it difficult for the businesses." Is there a way out of this downward spiral? "I do not see a de-escalation anytime soon," she said. October 08 - NPR There will be no easy or immediate solution to the hot-and-cold relationship between the United States and China. But if you are covering this ongoing story – then let our experts help with your questions and coverage. Dr. Elizabeth Larus is an expert in the politics of China. She is available to speak to media, simply click on her icon to arrange an interview today.
UCI experts can discuss unfolding crisis in Afghanistan
UCI faculty members Dr. Heidi Hardt, associate professor of political science, and Dr. Mark LeVine, professor of modern middle eastern history, are available to speak about the crisis in Afghanistan. Dr. Heidi Hardt Dr. Hardt can talk about NATO's contribution to Afghanistan, implications for NATO's legitimacy, security concerns for Afghan women and provide broader context on military interventions and operations. She can address more specific questions related to the two decades long allied operation. About Dr. Hardt: Dr. Hardt has expertise in transatlantic security, national security and European security and defense, including NATO, the EU and OSCE. Issue areas include transatlantic security cooperation, collective defense, crisis management, military operations (e.g. Afghanistan), coalition warfare, strategy, learning, adaptation, organizational change, gender and diplomacy. She's the author of two books: NATO's Lessons in Crisis: Institutional Memory in International Organizations (Oxford UP, 2018) and Time to React: The Efficiency of International Organizations in Crisis Response (Oxford UP, 2014). She's the recipient of a 2021-2022 Council on Foreign Relations International Affairs Fellowship and will soon be working as a foreign policy fellow for the Office of Congresswoman Katie Porter. Contact: hhardt@uci.edu Dr. Mark LeVine Dr. Levine was in Kabul in 2019. His point of view on Afghanistan includes: • “Why did the US abandon the embassy when the agreement with the Taliban specifically allowed to diplomatic staff to remain in Afghanistan and there was no imminent threat by the Taliban to the embassy and in fact the US was coordinating with them. They could have certainly kept the lights on and not looked like cowards running, which set the tone for everything else.” • “It seems pretty clear that there was an internal military coup. The Taliban did not just waltz into Kabul without coordination with senior military people who are already handing over parts of the country to them in the days before. Some kind of deal had been worked out behind the scenes and without the knowledge of the president, which is why he felt he had no choice but to flee.” About Dr. LeVine: Dr. LeVine completed his Ph.D at NYU’s Dept. of Middle Eastern Studies in 1999, after which he held postdoctoral positions at Cornell University's Society for the Humanities and the European University Institute's Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies, in Florence, Italy before coming to UCI. His research and teaching focus on the following issues: histories, theologies and political and cultural economies of the Middle East and Islam in the modern and contemporary periods; Palestine/Israel; cultural production, revolution and resistance in the Middle East and Africa; modern and contemporary Iraq, Egypt, Tunisia and Morocco; art and conflict in West Africa (especially Ghana and Nigeria, but also Senegal, Mali and Kenya); comparative studies of imperialism and colonialism, urban planning and architecture (history and theory); critical theory and globalization studies with a comparative focus on popular cultures and religion in Europe and the Muslim world; peace and conflict studies; and comparative nationalisms. Contact: mlevine@uci.edu
Baylor Expert Shares Four Keys to Leadership from Ulysses S. Grant’s Reflections on Civil War
Near the end of his life, as he battled spiraling health and an empty bank account, former United States President – and iconic Civil War General – Ulysses S. Grant penned his memoirs and gave the world a glimpse into the mind of one of the nation’s most celebrated figures. The book, “Personal Memoirs of U.S. Grant,” was published in 1885 and has been pored over for more than 135 years. Peter Campbell, Ph.D., author, associate professor of political science at Baylor University and a nationally recognized scholar on military strategy and international security, recently wrote an essay about Grant and his memoirs for Classics of Strategy and Diplomacy. He said Grant’s personal reflections provide valuable insights into his view and practice of leadership, specifically as he led Union forces in the Civil War. Below, Campbell offers four keys to leadership that he found in Grant’s writings. 1. Know Yourself. Grant was a careful observer of himself. He was able to reflect on his experience, see where he had made errors and learn from them. In July 1861, moments before what Grant thought would be his first engagement as a commander in the Civil War, he was terrified. His heart was in his throat. When he and his forces crested a rise that they thought would reveal the enemy force, they saw that the enemy had fled. “My heart resumed its place,” Grant wrote. “It occurred to me at once that [the enemy] had been as much afraid of me as I had been of him. This was a view of the question I had never taken before; but it was one I never forgot afterwards.” Grant absorbed this lesson and it transformed him as a leader and planner. 2. Know Your Enemy. The great Chinese strategists counseled that commanders must know their enemies. Grant shows us what this looks like in practice. Rather than dwelling on his fears, those things that his opponent might do that would spell disaster, Grant put himself in the shoes of his adversary and asked himself: What would my gravest fears be, were I in his position? He then designed his plan of campaign to raise the specter of his enemy’s fears, knowing that this would compel the enemy to be blinded by fear and compel them to react. To be fair, this was easier for Grant because in the Civil War he was fighting against fellow graduates of West Point and veterans of the Mexican War, including Robert E. Lee. Grant was not in awe of Lee. “I had known [Lee] personally,” Grant wrote, “and knew that he was mortal; and it was just as well that I felt this.” This does not diminish, but rather reinforces, the importance on studying one’s adversary carefully in any kind of competition. 3. Know Your People. As Grant rose in the ranks of the Union Army, he was pulled away from the sound of the guns and the command of troops in battle. This is true in any organization – the higher one rises the further one gets from the ground truth, whether in an army or a Fortune 500 company. Grant recognized that to influence the battles he could no longer superintend, he had to select the right subordinates for the job and then give them the authority to exercise the initiative in their area of responsibility. This meant that Grant also had to be a careful observer of the strengths and weaknesses of his subordinates. Even a hero of the Battle of Gettysburg like Major General Gouverneur Warren was not spared Grant’s penetrating character assessments. Warren’s weakness, Grant wrote, was that he could not trust his subordinates to carry out his orders, which meant that he could not be give a large command. “[Warren’s] difficulty was constitutional and beyond his control,” Grant wrote. “He was an officer of superior ability, quick perception, and personal courage to accomplish anything that could be done with a small command.” When you know your people, you know where to place them where their strengths will reinforce success and their weaknesses will be least disastrous. 4. Unleash the Power of Humility. The most decisive virtue that Grant practiced was humility. As a leader he did not allow pride in his own designs to blind him to the wisdom of his subordinates. Late in the war, Grant wrote up a campaign plan for attacking the Shenandoah Valley, the key source of supply to the Confederacy. He brought the plan to General Philip Sheridan for execution. However, when he met with Sheridan, the cavalry officer presented Grant with his own plan. Grant wrote that Sheridan “was so clear and so positive in his views and so confident of success, I said nothing about [my campaign plan] and did not take it out of my pocket.” When you lead, don’t let pride get in the way of the best ideas bubbling up from your subordinates. ABOUT PETER CAMPBELL, PH.D. Peter Campbell, Ph.D., is an associate professor of political science in Baylor University’s College of Arts & Sciences. He is the author of two books: “Military Realism: The Logic and Limits of Force and Innovation in the U.S. Army” and “Farewell to the Marshal Statesman: The Decline of Military Experience Among Politicians and its Consequences.” Campbell studies international security, civil-military relations, strategy and national security decision-making, international relations scholarship and policy relevance, insurgency and counterinsurgency, the just war tradition, unconventional warfare and advanced military technology, military culture, and the effects of cyber capabilities on conflict escalation. ABOUT BAYLOR UNIVERSITY Baylor University is a private Christian University and a nationally ranked research institution. The University provides a vibrant campus community for more than 19,000 students by blending interdisciplinary research with an international reputation for educational excellence and a faculty commitment to teaching and scholarship. Chartered in 1845 by the Republic of Texas through the efforts of Baptist pioneers, Baylor is the oldest continually operating University in Texas. Located in Waco, Baylor welcomes students from all 50 states and more than 90 countries to study a broad range of degrees among its 12 nationally recognized academic divisions. ABOUT THE COLLEGE OF ARTS & SCIENCES AT BAYLOR UNIVERSITY The College of Arts & Sciences is Baylor University’s largest academic division, consisting of 25 academic departments and eight academic centers and institutes. The more than 5,000 courses taught in the College span topics from art and theatre to religion, philosophy, sociology and the natural sciences. Faculty conduct research around the world, and research on the undergraduate and graduate level is prevalent throughout all disciplines. Visit baylor.edu/artsandsciences.
New York and Tokyo: Global Cities as Essential Hubs for Our Collective Future
Throughout, cities have faced repeated pronouncements of their demise. Yet, as centers of soft power, cities adapt, persevere, and ultimately, reinvent themselves to thrive. Photo: Orbon Alija / Getty Images On August 24, 2020, in the dog days of the New York summer and at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, comedian Jerry Seinfeld wrote an op-ed for The New York Times titled "So You Think New York Is 'Dead' (It's not.)" The king is dead, long live the king! "Real, live, inspiring human energy exists when we coagulate together in crazy places like New York City," wrote Seinfeld. Cities change, "They mutate. They re-form. Because greatness is rare. And the true greatness that is New York City is beyond rare." In fact, megacities around the world have been experiencing similar trends related not just to the novel coronavirus--climate change, natural disasters, population shifts, and transformations in business, infrastructure, and transportation will all shape the contours of the 21st century. New York City's own history--when and why it has been pronounced "dead" during the last century--is instructive in and of itself. Other megacities of consequence should take note and take heart, especially Tokyo, which will be under the microscope in a new way as it prepares to host the Olympic Games in today's unprecedented environment. History repeats itself In the tensions of living in the present time, it's easy to forget New York City's long history of disaster, recovery, growth, and innovation--the 1918-19 influenza epidemic, the seasonal threat of polio, the scourge of HIV-AIDS, and the current pandemic, all define the city's history. In October 1975, New York City, America's largest and wealthiest city, narrowly averted bankruptcy. Refused rescue by the federal government and President Gerald Ford, the city was saved only through the beneficence of the city's own Teacher's Retirement System pension fund, which made up a $150 million shortfall. The next day, the Daily News headline shouted "Ford to City: Drop Dead." We survived, and we thrived! Then there was 9/11, 20 years ago this September, when the U.S. rallied around the city. New Yorkers cheered as heavy equipment driven from across America arrived to help clear the devastation, and were joined by the entire nation in mourning those who were lost. Along came the 2008 financial crisis, sounding another death knell for New York. Today, we know from past history that what has closed will reopen, or be reborn in a different form. And we'll be here to celebrate. Global cities generate soft power Like Tokyo, London, or Paris, New York is a global center for arts and culture, a place where diverse creative arts flourish and inspire people in close proximity, where there is always space for tradition and innovation, and a place, too, for those who come for entertainment. But whether in Japan, Europe, or America, whether in the arts, innovation, or civil society, the soft power of a global city is so much more than the sum of its parts. It is a treasure trove of history, a platform for the future, a home for diversity, and an incubator for social change. What is soft power and why do we need it? The term "soft power" was crafted by Harvard political scientist Joseph Nye in the 1980s, and is now widely used in a foreign policy context. As a 2004 Foreign Affairs review of Nye's book, Soft Power; The Means to Success in World Politics noted: "Nye argues that successful states need both hard and soft power--the ability to coerce others as well as the ability to shape their long-term attitudes and preferences... But overall, Nye's message is that U.S. security hinges as much on winning hearts and minds as it does on winning wars." Almost two decades later, soft power--the cultural, intellectual, and social bonds that bring diverse countries and societies together for mutual understanding--has become a critical component of American foreign policy. This is especially important for the U.S.-Japan alliance, as most recently evidenced by Hideki Matsuyama's thrilling Masters Tournament win and President Biden hosting Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga as the first head of state to visit the White House during his tenure. As I've written before, based on my experience from the State Department, "innovative and entrepreneurial partnerships based on shared objectives--economic growth, stability, and more--will be the engine for increased security and prosperity." In other words, the future of diplomacy will not only be national, but subnational, where megacities like Tokyo and New York will shape their own destinies based on the partnerships that their leaders--political, business, and civil--can forge together in the best interests of their constituents. Japan Society and New York As the President and CEO of Japan Society, my work is to take the Society's mission into its second century, to be the deep connection, or kizuna, that brings the United States and Japan together through its peoples, cultures, businesses, and societies. From our New York headquarters, which opened to the public 50 years ago, we are looking toward the next half century knowing that we will be defined not so much by our now-landmarked building but by our digital and ideational impact. Our future can only be enhanced by continuing to exchange with our friends in Tokyo and beyond. Long before soft power was defined, in the radical days of 1960s New York, Japan Society supported international exchange in the arts between Japan and the U.S. through fellowships and grants to Japanese artists and students, among them Yayoi Kusama, Yutaka Matsuzawa (Radicalism in the Wilderness: Japanese Artists in the Global 1960s), Shiko Munakata (Improvisation in Wood: Kawamata x Munakata, fall/winter 2021), and many others who made history in the arts in both the U.S. and Japan. Now, performing arts commissions and gallery exhibitions at Japan Society build on and evolve U.S.-Japan cultural exchange even as Japanese traditional and contemporary artists have been mainstreamed into New York's major cultural institutions. Our work continues--in arts and culture, education, business, and civil society. Even as the COVID pandemic recedes through continued social distancing practices and increasing vaccinations, the changes it has wrought on the ways we work and communicate are here to stay. Remote work, flexible schedules, and collaboration and connectivity across time zones all predate the pandemic but were scaled up at a rate that was previously unimaginable. While physical borders closed to travelers, virtual ones opened --and technology has allowed us to engage and convene with those near and far like never before. We at Japan Society are committed to finding new connections and building new bridges outside of New York City, starting with Tokyo and then the rest of the world. Our 37 other Japan-America sister societies across the United States have much to offer even as New York remains an essential global stage and financial platform. Partnerships will ultimately define the future of which global hubs thrive and where populations gravitate post-COVID. As we continue our mission for the future of the world, and for the U.S.-Japan alliance, I'm incredibly optimistic for Japan Society and for New York City's long-term evolution. This article was originally published in the Tokyo Metropolitan Government.
Bridge-Building as a Career Path
Yusuhara Wooden Bridge Museum / Kengo Kuma & Associates. © Takumi Ota For my entire life I’ve imagined myself as a bridge between the U.S. and Japan. I grew up in Japan from ages one to eighteen — my parents are Southern Baptist missionaries who have lived in our heartland now for over 40 years. As an American growing up in Hokkaido, I often found myself in the position of explaining to Japanese why Americans do certain things and act certain ways, and then trying to tell Americans why Japanese or people outside of the U.S. saw the country in a particular way. This dialogue became an extension of who I am. Of course, like many children growing up, I wanted to be like my dad, who is a gifted pastor and long-term missionary. But, along the way, I realized that the role of a missionary is actually very much like that of being an ambassador or bridge-builder who represents their country, alliances, and traditions. As reinforced recently by Prime Minister Suga’s visit to the White House, the first of any international visitor for the Biden administration, the alliance with Japan is our single most strategic international relationship. Walter Russel Meade laid this out eloquently in the Wall Street Journal, “For the foreseeable future, the U.S.-Japan alliance is likely to remain the cornerstone of American foreign policy. Building the social and cultural ties that can support that relationship is an urgent task for both countries.” In my lifetime, and perhaps never before, has there been a moment like the present where the U.S. and Japan are mutually reliant to such a degree. Therefore, my personal commitment to being a bridge-builder, and our mission at Japan Society, have never been more critical. Finding my path After college I went to Turkey as a Fulbright Scholar, where I worked with the State Department through the Ambassador’s Office and the Embassy, enriching my understanding of foreign diplomacy. As I explored my interests in other parts of the world, I didn’t intend to pursue a career in U.S.-Japan relations. However, all that changed on March 11, 2011, when the Great East Japan Earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear disaster devastated the Tohoku region of northeastern Japan. At that moment, I felt a deep personal mission to help bring people from around the world together and realized that I was uniquely situated to build bridges with Japan. I had the opportunity to serve three different times in the State Department along with the Defense Department and on various Commerce Department advisory boards as I completed my academic degrees culminating with a PhD from Princeton. My time in academia and government service taught me the important skill of storytelling. When I left the State Department, I joined the strategic communications company APCO Worldwide, where I helped establish their Japan office and became immersed in Japanese public relations. Next, I had the privilege of running the USA Pavilion at the World Expo in Kazakhstan in 2017, telling America’s story from the ground up. That led me to Eurasia Group, the foremost geopolitical risk consultancy group, where I led the largest geopolitical risk summit in Japan, the GZero Summit, taking my academic, government, and public relations experience and putting it into a practical context. Embracing my ikigai Today I’m the President and CEO of Japan Society, working to take the Society’s mission into its second century, to be the deep connection, or kizuna, that brings the United States and Japan together through its peoples, culture, businesses, and societies. One of the greatest things that I see these days is concepts from Japan that have been adapted into the English lexicon — like ikigai, the idea of life’s purpose, which has become a catchphrase in our pandemic world’s search for meaning. Ikigai resonates deeply with me, because it is about finding your reason for being, your passion and calling. For me, this means being dedicated to promoting global understanding and helping make the world a better place. I don’t think I would have told you two years ago that I would be the President and CEO of Japan Society. It is an opportunity that caught me by surprise in some ways. But in other ways, now that I am here, it feels like the most natural job I’ve ever done, and I cannot think of a better place I would rather be or a better way to live out my ikigai. At Japan Society’s founding luncheon on May 19, 1907, the guest of honor, General Baron Kuroki “wished the new organization a long and successful health.” As The New York Times reported, “The object of the new organization will be the promotion of friendly relations between the United States and Japan.” Now in its second century, our work of bridge-building continues today. Joshua Walker (@drjwalk) is president and CEO of Japan Society. Follow @japansociety. The views expressed in this article are the writer’s own.
How the Biden Administration Can Help Save the Planet
With the inauguration of Joseph R. Biden as the 46th president of the United States came a slew of executive orders—and perhaps most notably America's reentry into the Paris Climate Accord. After the Obama administration joined the largest global cooperative agreement to limit the emission of dangerously climate-altering greenhouse gasses in 2015, the U.S. withdrew in 2017 under former president Donald Trump. Villanova University biology professor Samantha Chapman, PhD, studies how "blue carbon" solutions, like the restoration of wetlands, can contribute to slowing the harmful impact of climate change on the planet. Recently, Dr. Chapman broke down the top three things the Biden administration must do to save the planet, since we are, as she puts it, "close to some scary tipping points." #1: Pressure Brazil’s President Bolsonaro to stop the devastation of the Amazon. "The Amazon Rainforest regulates our global climate. It is imperative that through diplomacy and aid, we incentivize developing countries to preserve their intact lands and biodiversity. We can't do this without helping local communities incentivize the people living in these places to save these lands. Road building in forests is a huge cause of our planet's downward slope." #2: Invest in restoration of natural ecosystems. "We must invest resources into coastal wetlands and forests, here and abroad. USAID could be partially retooled in partnership with the United Stated Geological Survey (USGS), which already does this. These natural ecosystems will serve as natural climate solutions and be harbors for threatened species and nice places for humans to recreate. We must restore the opportunity for nature to re-invoke the necessary feedbacks that make the ecosystems work. Sometimes this involves complicated engineering, sometimes it is simpler and means giving nature space to restore. We're trying both." #3: Find ways to make people feel connected to land and nature—and value it. "This is a vague one and not one that I'm sure any administration can do. The pandemic has given me hope on this—I see so many more people out hiking, fishing, walking, and hanging out in parks. When time comes for voting on taxes, people have to remember that these state parks and preserves and even neighborhood parks cost money to staff and preserve. The U.S. has incredible land and nature and yet, in my experience, Americans value and understand it less than other countries. Some of that has to do with our frontier history. We can learn from Native Americans. Appointing Representative Deb Haaland as the secretary of the interior is one good step the Biden administration has taken in this direction." Dr. Chapman emphasizes that despite the uphill battle ahead, she remains hopeful. "Left to heal and helped to heal, the ecosystem processes that sustain our lives and those of the other amazing organisms on our planet can be restored," she notes. "Good things are happening. They just need to happen at a much larger scale."
In his letter to Kim Jong Un and related statements, President Trump made not-so-veiled threats regarding U.S. military capabilities. Thus, many are asking: Is the Trump Administration, staffed with former military officers in prominent cabinet positions, chomping at the bit to unleash America’s military might? International security scholar Peter Campbell, Ph.D., is watching the situation. “Trump's cancellation gives both sides opportunity to claim that they pursued all diplomatic means. The conflict now enters a more dangerous phase because an opportunity to step back from the brink has been lost and diplomatic efforts have been somewhat discredited,” he said. “Trump’s comments regarding superior U.S. nuclear capability might be interpreted as a precursor to escalation, although the letter's tone was much less inflammatory than his earlier rhetoric.” Campbell said history – and, ironically, Trump’s staff of former U.S. military leaders in key positions – sides with those who prefer diplomacy over force. “The prominent role of former military officers has caused some to worry that the Administration is anxious to go to battle. This idea is problematic because it does not take into account that U.S. military leaders have often been more hesitant than their civilian superiors to use force,” he said. “As former Secretary of Defense Robert Gates wrote of his Cold War experiences under Presidents Reagan and George H. W. Bush: ‘In more than 20 years of attending meetings in the Situation Room, my experience was that the biggest doves in Washington wear uniforms.’ This makes sense because military officers often have an intimate understanding of how the decision to use force leads to major uncertainty and is plagued with often insurmountable friction and the fog of war. Gates observed: ‘Our military leaders have seen too many half-baked ideas for the use of military force advanced in the Situation Room by hairy-chested civilians who have never seen combat or fired a gun in anger.’ Thus, the fact that Trump has former military officers in his inner circle should decrease, rather than increase, fears of an ill-conceived use of military force to resolve this crisis. Secretary of Defense James Mattis made explicit mention of the key role diplomats are playing in the unfolding crisis. Numerous commentators have pointed out the immense influence that Mattis has in the current administration. This should calm rather than incite fears of a military solution." Source:
Definitely …Maybe? Donald Trump’s planned sit-down with Kim Jun Un
It was diplomacy that was almost out of a movie. Two bitter leaders, both unpredictable and avowed enemies who seemed on the brink of war … until suddenly they are friends, complimenting each other and arranging a meeting of historic proportions. There was even talk of a Nobel Prize. It seemed too good to be true. And now the world is back to reality. The surprisingly insta-warm relationship between American and North Korea seems to have once again chilled. And now it’s a battle of statements over who has upset who and why. According to North Korean media, Choe Son Hui, a vice-minister in the North Korean Foreign Ministry, said the summit is being reconsidered. And annihilation may follow. "Whether the US will meet us at a meeting room or encounter us at nuclear-to-nuclear showdown is entirely dependent upon the decision and behavior of the United States," Choe said. Vice President Pence responded in the media with a veiled threat of his own. "There was some talk about the Libya model," Pence told Fox News "As the President made clear, this will only end like the Libya model ended if Kim Jong Un doesn't make a deal." So where are we now? What’s next? Is this relationship over before it even started? Experts from the University of Connecticut may have some insight and deeper understanding of this issue. Alexis Dudden is a Professor of History specializing in modern Japan and Korea, and international history at the University of Connecticut. Dudden stresses the importance of understanding the complexity of modern Korea-Japan relations to better appreciate Korean resistance to U.S. demands. South Korea is a country where one in six families is directly affected by the North-South divide. It is “imperative that Washington planners take seriously South Korean desires for renewed engagement,” Dudden says. Professor Dudden is available to speak with media regarding the ongoing talks and threats between North Korea and America. Simply click on her icon to arrange an interview. Source:
Sabres are rattling. What’s next for North Korea?
On Wednesday, North Korea launched another missile. This is the 15th launch this year, but this one appears different. North Korea claims this is new type of intercontinental ballistic missile with a "super-large heavy warhead" — which is capable of striking the US mainland. America is on alert. New sanctions are being implemented and every effort seems to be in play to avoid conflict. But can conflict be avoided? Has North Korea over-played its hand with a Trump administration that has already vowed ‘the situation will be handled.’ What is left to do and what can be done? That’s where the experts from Cedarville University can help. Dr. Glen Duerr is an associate professor of International Studies at Cedarville University. His research and expertise includes nationalism and secession, comparative politics, and international relations theory. Dr. Frank Jenista is a political science professor at Cedarville University. Before returning to the academic world, Frank spent 25 years of service as a U.S. diplomat working as a Senior Foreign Service Officer at U.S. embassy in Japan, Indonesia, New Zealand, South America, and the Philippines. Dr. Jenista is an expert on foreign relations, international issues and diplomacy. Both experts are available to speak with media regarding this issue. Simply click on either icon to arrange an interview. Source:
